1890
Sol C. Johnson assumed leadership of the Savannah Tribune in 1890, inheriting a fledgling weekly paper with limited circulation. Recognizing the power of the press to mobilize and inform, he reoriented every edition toward Black political and economic empowerment. Under his guidance, the Tribune published detailed voting guides, advocated for fair employment practices in city government, and exposed discriminatory Jim Crow ordinances.
Johnson’s editorial strategy combined unflinching calls for justice with practical advice—where to register to vote, how to contest unfair arrests, and ways to support Black-owned businesses. He organized “Reading Circles” in Emanuel AME Church basements, bringing citizens together to dissect the Tribune’s editorials and plan civic action. This blend of journalism and grassroots organizing helped make Savannah a model for integrated polling places in Georgia, setting a precedent that would echo throughout the Jim Crow South.
Beyond politics, Johnson used the Tribune to highlight Black entrepreneurship—profiling barbers, bakers, and builders—fostering a sense of community pride and self-reliance. His tenure transformed the paper into one of the South’s leading Black publications, ensuring that Savannah’s African American citizens were armed not just with information, but with the collective will to demand their rights.
1906
In late November 1906, false rumors of assaults by Black men ignited mob violence on Savannah’s streets. White rioters, some deputized by authorities, attacked African American homes and businesses in the waterfront district. Two Black men, arrested on dubious grounds, were paraded through the city center by white officers as part of a campaign of terror. This brutal upheaval shocked Savannah’s Black community and underscored the urgent need for organized resistance.
Within weeks, local Black leaders—many inspired by the newly formed NAACP (established in early 1909)—began meeting in Emanuel AME Church basements. They documented riot casualties, appealed to national leaders, and drafted early petitions for federal anti-lynching legislation. This grassroots mobilization in Savannah foreshadowed the NAACP’s broader southern campaigns and laid groundwork for civil rights activism that would gain momentum over the next half-century.
1938
Ralph Mark Gilbert—pastor of Emanuel AME Church and a seasoned organizer—recognized that to challenge Jim Crow in Savannah, Black citizens needed a unified voice. In early 1938, he convened church leaders, teachers, business owners, and former activists in the sanctuary’s gallery. There, with reverent ceremony, he signed the NAACP charter, launching Savannah’s first local branch.
Gilbert’s vision extended beyond protests. He used the branch to offer voter education classes in church basements, fund college scholarships, and lobby City Hall for equitable hiring. Under his leadership, membership swelled from a few dozen to hundreds within months, laying a durable foundation for the civil rights campaigns that followed.
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1958
W.W. Law leads the first lunch-counter sit-in at Grayson Stadium, applying strategic, route-mapped protests.
1961
In early 1961, emboldened by successes in Greensboro and Nashville, a cadre of Black college students marched into Savannah’s Woolworth’s lunch counter. With calm determination, they took seats at the “whites-only” stools, pencils ready, mimicking diners. Each refusal to leave—despite taunts, thrown condiments, and police summons—felt like a revolution in miniature.
Local SNCC leaders coordinated these protests with military precision. They mapped protest rotations so no single student bore the brunt alone, arranged legal support through Emanuel AME’s basement offices, and set up “post-sit-in” strategy meetings in West Savannah living rooms. Their tactics forced Woolworth’s management to retrain staff, quietly integrate counters, and set a precedent that rippled across Georgia.
1963
Buoyed by the electric momentum of the August 28 March on Washington, local NAACP leaders and church congregations transformed Savannah’s Emanuel AME Church basement into a hub of civic strategy. Volunteer teams fanned out across neighborhoods, assisting residents in registering—navigating literacy tests, challenging arbitrary poll taxes, and demanding recognition of Black ballots.
On November 5, 1963, for the first time in Georgia history, Black voters entered polling booths alongside white citizens in Savannah’s wards. It wasn’t a glamorous march under Lincoln’s statue but a quiet triumph in moistened ballots and a justice long overdue. Churches rang with hymns, community halls buzzed with celebration, and white-shoe law firms in City Hall could no longer ignore the power of integrated democracy.
Nationwide solidarity from the March on Washington provided both moral authority and practical resources—leaflets, legal observers, press contacts—that Savannah’s coalitions wove into their voter-drive playbook. In so doing, they turned a national clarion call into local, door-to-door victories, cementing Savannah’s place as Georgia’s first city with integrated polling.
1964
When President Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act on July 2, 1964, Savannah’s streets buzzed with possibility. Within days, W.W. Law and his NAACP branch set up long tables outside Emanuel AME Church and community centers across the city. Volunteers distributed freshly printed voter rolls, explained new registration rights under Title I, and guided eager citizens through the updated affidavit process.
Law’s tactical genius shone in these municipal elections. He plotted walk-up routes past neighborhoods long ignored by city hall—mapping each volunteer’s precinct walk to maximize face-to-face contact. His team canvassed white and Black wards alike, wielding the new federal law as both shield and spear. On election day, integrated lines formed at polling stations for the first time. Law’s operation didn’t just register voters; it rewrote Savannah’s political map, proving that federal legislation only works if communities mobilize to use it.
1971
In the spring of 1971, Hosea Williams—a relentless activist and pastor—nearly lost hope as hunger stalked Georgia’s poorest neighborhoods. He found an old, dilapidated warehouse on Bay Street, secured a nominal lease, and rallied volunteers from Emmanuel AME Church basements where they’d held early voter classes.
On opening day, Williams stood amid stacks of cardboard boxes and burlap sacks, flanked by young volunteers packing meals. A banner declared “Food is Justice,” echoing his belief that feeding the body was as vital as feeding the soul and mind. Within weeks, the site served hundreds of families daily—black and white, young and old—breaking barriers that segregation once imposed on charity.
Hosea’s program didn’t end at the warehouse doors. He mapped delivery routes through West Savannah, converted church vans into rolling pantries, and lobbied city officials for food bank partnerships. This humble Bay Street operation blossomed into a citywide network that endures today, proving that community care can be the foundation of systemic change.
1986
After a year-long campaign of both gentle persuasion and tactical pressure, W.W. Law and his Historic Savannah Foundation allies finally saw the “Whites Only” barriers on Tybee Island’s beaches come down in the summer of 1986. Law, wielding preservation expertise, highlighted the island’s storied hotels and pavilions in local media—arguing that segregated shores tarnished Savannah’s heritage tourism.
He organized coalition meetings in restored colonial-era buildings, produced heritage tours that stopped at segregated beach sites, and worked quietly with sympathetic council members to rewrite city ordinances. After a year-long campaign of both gentle persuasion and tactical pressure, W.W. Law and his Historic Savannah Foundation allies finally saw the “Whites Only” barriers on Tybee Island’s beaches come down in the summer of 1986. Law, wielding preservation expertise, highlighted the island’s storied hotels and pavilions in local media—arguing that segregated shores tarnished Savannah’s heritage tourism.
He organized coalition meetings in restored colonial-era buildings, produced heritage tours that stopped at segregated beach sites, and worked quietly with sympathetic council members to rewrite city ordinances. When the beaches reopened to all races, Tybee’s sand became more than a leisure spot; it stood as living evidence that historic preservation and civil rights could—and should—march in lockstep.
2005
In 2005, The Savannah Tribune reached a milestone: 130 years of unwavering civic journalism. Since Sol C. Johnson took the helm in 1890, he transformed a modest weekly into the authoritative voice for Savannah’s Black community.
Under his leadership, the Tribune exposed discriminatory ordinances, published comprehensive voting guides, and championed local Black businesses. Johnson’s “Reading Circles” turned church basements into civic academies, instilling in readers both historical insight and practical strategies for activism.
Over the next century, successive Tribune editors upheld this mission. During segregation, the paper became a lifeline, circulating stories of sit-ins, voter drives, and legal victories. In the post–Civil Rights era, it documented Savannah’s evolving Black institutions, cultural renaissances, and emerging leaders.
By 2005, the Tribune was not just a newspaper but a living archive—a bridge between past and future. Its anniversary celebrations included a special edition reprinting Johnson’s seminal editorials alongside contemporary reportages on urban development, education equity, and cultural festivals. Events ranged from panel discussions with Tribune veterans to community fundraisers for journalism scholarships.
As Savannah’s skyline changed, The Savannah Tribune remained constant: a testament to Johnson’s belief that an informed public is the bedrock of democracy. Here’s to the next 130 years of civic reporting, bearing witness to history as it unfolds.
2010
By spring 2010, more than three decades of tireless community service culminated in a landmark moment: Hosea Feed the Hungry served its millionth meal. Volunteers lined folding tables, ladling stews and plating fresh bread as families gathered in gratitude. Banners declared “1 Million Meals” and “Food Is Justice,” paying tribute to the transformational vision of Hosea Williams.
The millionth plate—garden-fresh greens atop cornbread—passed from a volunteer’s hands to an elder who’d been coming for decades. It wasn’t just a meal; it was proof positive that consistent, grassroots care can become a pillar of hope. The timeline marker thickened not as a decorative flourish, but as an emblem of sustained impact: one meal multiplied by a million acts of dignity.
2011
In December, 2011, Dr. Maxine Bryant relocated to Savannah, GA and was contracted to served as the first Director of the Chatham County Sheriff’s Office Work Release Program during its inaugural year of existence. Additionally, Maxine contracted with Substance Abuse-Mental Health Services Association (SAMHSA) to provide trauma informed care training for professionals in criminal justice, mental health, and substance abuse treatment. Since moving to Savannah, Maxine has served as the Community Co-chair for the Georgia Prison Reentry Initiative in Savannah and was contracted to give leadership to the Savannah End Gun Violence project that focused on group violence intervention. Currently she is an Adjunct Professor of Criminal Justice at Georgia Southern University. With successful offender reintegration as her God-given passion, she continues to present Trauma Informed Care workshops to professionals in corrections, addictions, and mental health and re-entry focused workshops to laypersons.
2022
Dr. Maxine Bryant is more than a professor; she is a testament to the power of defying labels. In this moving talk from TEDxSavannah, she shares the personal and professional journey that makes her one of our city’s most vital voices.
Dr. Bryant opens with a defining moment from her youth. As a high school student with dreams of greatness but struggles in math and science, a guidance counselor told her mother not to “waste money” on college, labeling Dr. Bryant as “not college material” and pushing her toward secretarial work.
She refused to fit into that frame. Today, she stands before us not as a secretary, but as a distinguished PhD and college professor. She uses this personal victory to illustrate a profound truth: We cannot hold people hostage to a snapshot of their past.
She challenges us to stop acting like Polaroid cameras—taking static, unchangeable pictures of people based on their worst mistakes. Instead, she invites us to become “Societal Picture Editors,” helping others edit their lives for a better future.
2025
The museum, named after Reverend Dr. Ralph Mark Gilbert—the 13th pastor of First African Baptist Church and architect of Savannah’s modern civil rights movement—used this moment to unveil a new exhibit:
“The Gilbert Papers: From Pulpit to Protest.”
This archival collection, donated by Eloria S. Gilbert, included hundreds of typewritten sermons, NAACP correspondence, and rare photographs of 1940s organizing efforts across Georgia A.
Visitors walked through three immersive floors:
• Lunch Counter Resistance, featuring interactive booths and oral histories
• The Newspaper as Weapon, spotlighting Sol C. Johnson’s editorial activism
• Night Marches, with projected footage of W.W. Law and Hosea Williams leading candlelit protests through Savannah’s squares
The museum also partnered with Telfair Museums to host a Juneteenth lecture led by Ron Daise, exploring Gullah Geechee resilience through literature and performance B.